Daily Hampshire Gazette,
Northampton MA
Op-Ed Published Friday, 15 September 2006.
Keeping ÒPeacekeepersÓ Out of Darfur (Submitted Title)
by keith harmon snow &
Dimitri Oram
The humanitarian tragedy in the Darfur region of Sudan
revolves around natural resources. Such struggles in Sudan began in the days
when a budding journalist passed through Khartoum and reported on the British
victory at the Battle of Omdurman. ÒThe weapons, the methods and the fanaticism
of the Middle Ages,Ó reported Winston Churchill, Òwere brought by an
extraordinary anachronism into dire collision with the organization and
inventions of the 19th century. The result was not surprising.Ó The
gattling gun silenced some 60,000 Sudanese tribesmen armed only with spears,
bows and arrows.
While colonialism died a hard
death in Sudan, during the Cold War the control of the Sudan remained central
to the U.S. and its anti-communist allies throughout the 1970Õs and 1980Õs. War
began in the early 1980Õs, and after 1990 the U.S. supported the southern
Christian rebels, the Sudan PeopleÕs Liberation Army, for over a decade, until
a peace deal was struck in 2003.
In the 1990Õs an Islamic
government came to power, and tensions escalated (1998) when the Clinton
Administration bombed the Al Shifta pharmaceutical factory, the countryÕs only
producer of medical supplies. After 9/11 the Bush Administration warmed to the
Government of Sudan, and today Sudan is both credited as a pivotal ally in the
ÒWar on TerrorÓ and castigated as Òa rogue Arab government committing genocide
against black Africans in Darfur.Ó
Darfur is now the flashpoint
for the international geopolitical chess-game to control Sudan and its
resources. For example, the U.S. Sugar industry notes that Sudan is a major
sugar producer, and the American Botanical Council credits Darfur with
supplying two-thirds of world-supply of high-quality gum Arabic—an
ingredient in soft drinks and pharmaceutical products. [1]
USAID funded Gum Arabic projects throughout the 1980Õs, but suspended them with
the ascension of the Islamic government in the 1990Õs. And, as noted by Khalil
Ibrahim, the leader of the rebel Justice and Equality Movement, one of
mysterious factions fighting in Darfur, Òoil is everywhere in Sudan.Ó Darfur is
rich in uranium, copper, gold and petroleum.
Combatants in Darfur not only
arrive on camels and horses—the infamous ÒjanjaweedÓ ever credited with
genocide—but also in C-130 aircraft, with logistical and strategic
support provided by U.S. Air Forces in Europe, under U.S. Marine General James
Jones. [2]
Backed by the U.S. and NATO, the 7000 troops of the African Union (AU)
ÒpeacekeepingÓ force have only deepened the quagmire: the AU force is accused
of taking sides and there are calls for withdrawal. Rwandan troops with the AU
mission in Darfur are themselves accused of having committed atrocities in the
Congo. The U.S. and its allies, including Britain, Israel and Taiwan, continue
to press their interests in the region: both the U.S. and Israel today support
combatants in Chad, Sudan and Congo.
U.S. taxpayers also support
the operations of U.S. troops in Uganda, Chad, and Ethiopia—three states
embroiled in humanitarian crises and war. Acts of genocide and war
crimes proliferate in each, but no one is calling for ÒpeacekeepingÓ missions
here. International aid and human rights organizations widely acknowledge that the
crises in northern Uganda is the worst in the world, yet the least talked
about. Atrocities routinely occur in Ethiopia, and Ethiopian military leaders
defected to Eritrea last month in protest of the governmentÕs role. Meanwhile,
the attention of the U.S. public has been narrowly focused on the Òmoral
necessityÓ of intervention to Òstop genocideÓ in Darfur.
While spending two billion
dollars a year on the worldÕs most neglected emergency, the United Nations
Observers Mission in Congo (M.O.N.U.C.), partially funded by the U.S. public,
was unable to stem the mortalities: some 30,000 Congolese have died monthly
(1000 people a day) from violence, disease and malnutrition. [3]
The situation in Congo remains dire, more deadly than Darfur. M.O.N.U.C.
ÒpeacekeepersÓ have committed atrocities against civilians. Weapons and
minerals continue to flow across CongoÕs borders routinely, and recent news
reports claim that uranium from Congo has appeared in Iran. [4]
War in Congo continues.
Those in the U.S. who call
for intervention in Darfur fail to understand the greater geopolitical context.
Given current realities in Sudan, no intervention in Darfur will proceed, and
if it did it would fail. U.S. citizens should support the ongoing peace process
mediated by the Eritreans, involving the Sudanese government and the Darfur
resistance, which seeks to find a permanent solution to the Darfur crisis. The
saying in the Horn is Òall roads to peace in the Horn of Africa run through
Asmara,Ó the Eritrean capital, and this is where the winds of change are
blowing.
In every case, intervention
in the Horn of Africa has only worsened the crises. The promise of the United
Nations ÒpeacekeepingÓ missions has been compromised, and attention needs to
shift to reforming ÒpeacekeepingÓ and ÒhumanitarianÓ agendas and addressing the
root causes. Sending more armed forces from outside Sudan will destroy all hope
of peaceful resolution, and the people of the Horn of Africa—given their
awareness of SudanÕs vast petroleum and uranium reserves, and war in Lebanon
and Iraq—are deeply cynical of the motivations of Westerners who call for
ÒpeacekeepingÓ and ÒhumanitarianÓ intervention.
At the Smith College Panel on
Intervention in Darfur (6 July 2006), organizers, panelists and sponsors called
on Mayor Claire Higgins—a signatory to the Darfur Action Group campaign
of the Congregation Bnai Israel—and the Northampton City Council to hold
a public hearing to explore the geopolitical realities of this conflict, in
hopes to educate and inspire the public to take appropriate action. This call
is repeated here, and the public is urged to support it.
Concerned citizens should ask
for [1] transparency of U.S. foreign policy and involvement in Sudan; [2] good
faith negotiations and diplomacy offering concessions and support from the U.S.
and its allies; [3] respect for the sovereignty and self-determination of the
people of Sudan; [4] accountability from all factions, and their backers,
involved in the conflict; and [5] a withdrawal of all foreign troops from
Sudanese soil.
War does not occur in a
vacuum, and Americans will pay a high price for misguided action. We need only
recall the ÒhumanitarianÓ failure of the U.S. military in Somalia, and the
ridicule and humiliation served to the American people as young American
soldiers were dragged through the streets of that far off place.
****************************
A native of Williamsburg,
MA, keith harmon snow has worked on the Horn of Africa as a consultant on
genocide and humanitarian aid for the United Nations (2005), and he worked in
Ethiopia, Sudan and the Congo as a human rights researcher and genocide
investigator for Genocide Watch (2004-2005) and Survivors Rights International
(2004, 2005). Also an award-winning journalist, he has worked extensively
(2004-2006) with the multinational peacekeeping forces of the United Nations
Observers Mission for Congo (M.O.N.U.C.). In 2001 he reported from the
International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, and he has worked or reported from
17 countries in Africa. In 2006 he has been working in Congo and Afghanistan.
Dimitri Oram is a human rights and genocide researcher, and writer, based in
Northampton, MA. For more information: keith.harmon.snow@gmail.com.
[1] http://www.herbalgram.org/herbalgram/articleview.asp?a=2770
[2] http://usinfo.state.gov/af/Archive/2005/Oct/05-737610.html
[3] http://www.beliefnet.com/story/167/story_16759_1.html
[4] http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,20867,20041081-2703,00.html;
and also see: www.allAfrica.com:
Congo-Kinshasa: Iran Sought Uranium From Congo, Says UN.